These dissonant voices -although few in the face of the threat that Bolsonaro represents to democratic institutions with his constant attacks- present a scenario that was unthinkable four years ago and that Lula da Silva tried to capitalize on with a plan that combined a moderate speechan attempt to approach businessmen and the choice of Gerald Alckmin as a running mate.
It is no coincidence that one of his last activities before Brazil entered the ban period was a dinner with a dozen big businessmen to whom he promised a frank dialogue in the event of his return to power.
The Social Democrat Geraldo Alckmin has been his interlocutor with the market, which feels more comfortable with the idea of negotiating with him future financial policies to consolidate the reactivation of the first economy in Latin America. It is known that among the business community and the banking sector there are those who are excited about the possibility that the former governor of São Paulo (PSDB) will carry out two functions in a possible government: that of vice president and that of economy minister.
The gestures and moderation of Lula, who jumped into politics from union activity, do not finish convincing the majority of the businessmen, who reproach him for his closeness to the workers and his defense of the Rights of indigenous peoplesamong others.
According to Datafolhathe 70% of the business community feels rejection by the former president and favorite for Sunday’s elections, the most polarized in Brazilian history.
Jair Bolsonaro, on the other hand, paid with deeds for the promises he made in his previous electoral campaign: privatizations, pension reform and endless measures for agribusinessits solid base within the business world.
The same Datafolha survey gives the ultra-conservative president a preference of 62% in the business vote, well above the 24% of his rival achieved by Lula da Silva.
Bolsonaro and his alliance with agriculture
Jair Bolsonaro’s relationship with agribusiness is in the business world of Brazil what his link with the evangelical vote within the religious spectrum: an almost absolute synergy.
The sector, which contributes around 28% of the Brazilian GDP, obtained great benefits from the government, such as the annulment of protection policies in the Amazon, which allowed the extension of land use; the dismantling of family farming programs inherited from the PT administrations –based on their success in the fight against hunger-, which facilitated the redirection of funds; and the relaxation of the use of weapons in rural areas.
Like a postcard of that marriage, tractors paraded in the celebrations of the Bicentennial of the Independence of Brazil and the largest private donor to the Bolsonarista campaign is the producer Oscar Cervi.
Across the street, Lula da Silva aligned his rhetoric with Europe and the Latin American environmental progressivism and promised to reduce deforestation in Brazil within four years to stop the climate change.
The answer from the mighty National Confederation of Agriculture (CNA) was categorical: an act with Jair Bolsonaro in which its owner, Joao Martinsassured that “there is no more room in this country for a corrupt and incompetent team, much less for the return of a candidate who was prosecuted and arrested as a thief.”
Jair Bolsonaro’s extremism also found a pocket of fertile ground among some businessmen who, hand in hand with his fervent follower Luciano Hang (Havan stores), commented in a WhatsApp group on the benefits of organizing a coup in case Lula da Silva returns to the Presidency.
“I need you to put an end to misery in Brazil, which is not just my problem,” the left-wing leader cried out in his meeting with businessmen. For the moment, everything indicates that he will undertake this enormous task alone.
Source: Ambito
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