Argentine democracy has been characterized, since its transition in 1983, by a founding consensus around the value of political representation. The universal, free and secret vote was consolidated as a cornerstone of a system that sought to conjure the ghost of civic-military authoritarianism. For four decades, despite recurring economic crises, Argentine citizens maintained their commitment to the polls as the privileged mechanism of legitimation of power. However, in recent years, this consensus has begun to break.
Pierre Rosanvallon (2017) has pointed out that contemporary democratic disenchantment is not explained only by the corruption of political elites or by the distance between representatives and represented, but by a deeper structural phenomenon, the decline of the democratic performance of the elections. In their analysis, the elections have progressively lost the ability to fulfill the functions that were historically attributed: representation, legitimation, control, citizenship production and animation of public deliberation.
The arrival of Javier Milei to power constitutes a paradigmatic case to think about this phenomenon. On the one hand, its electoral triumph with more than 55% of the votes in the 2023 ballotage confirms that the democratic authorization process followed its formal course. On the other, the way in which the campaign was developed, the antipolytic discourse that supported it and the radicality of the measures taken from the beginning of its government reveal a deep deficit of substantive representation. The paradox of a democratically elected president who erodes, from the exercise of power, the conditions of democracy themselves are at the center of this chapter.
The classic functions of the elections and their decline
Rosanvallon (2017) reconstructs the classical theory of the choice, showing that it had to fulfill five essential functions:
In Milei Argentina, these functions appear severely eroded.
- Representative function: The narrative of the “political caste” reduced politics to a simplistic antagonism between a virtuous people and a corrupt elite. However, far from expanding the representation of traditionally marginalized sectors, The government privileged financial and business actorsreinforcing a elitist bias.
- Legitimation function: While the electoral triumph gave legitimacy of origin, The legitimacy of exercise is weakened for measures that contradict the expectations of much of the electorate, such as The complaints of corruption, and the repression of the protest.
- Control function: the absence of solid parties and exacerbated personalism of Milei weakens the mechanisms of ACCOUNTABILITY. The re -election pressure is diluted when the president is presented as an outsider willing to “dynamit the system.”
- Citizen Function: Political participation is reduced to the individual expression of the vote, while The material conditions of existence of millions of citizens worsenlimiting its ability to exercise civic and social rights.
- Deliberative function: The public sphere is impoverished, dominated by insults, disqualifications and hate speeches that replace the debate of ideas (Ipar, Villarreal, Cuesta & Wegelin, 2022).
This decline confirms Rosanvallon’s thesis: the elections do not guarantee democratic performance for themselves, and the Argentine case shows it clearly.
Majority presidentialization and fiction
One of the central points of Rosanvallon’s analysis is the “presidentialization” of contemporary democracies. In systems where the figure of the Head of State becomes the center of political life, representation is distorted because a single person cannot embody social plurality. In Argentina, this phenomenon is amplified by institutional design and hyper -presidentialist tradition.
Milei proclaimed himself as an incarnation of the “people” in front of the “caste.” This Cesarist representation mechanism reminds what Rosanvallon links with populist or authoritarian regimes, where the leader presents himself as “man-feet.” The majority fiction is materialized in the 55 % identification obtained in the ballot with an alleged legitimacy to govern without counterweights, ignoring that Argentine society is plural, diverse and conflicting. The notion of homogeneous people becomes, thus, a rhetorical resource that conceals the exclusion of minorities and the invisibility of heterogeneous social demands.
Political temporality and programs
Another aspect indicated by Rosanvallon (2017) is the loss of consistency of partisan programs in a world crossed by uncertainty. In Argentina, Milei came to power with a radical program of “anarchocapitalism” and promises of destruction of the State. However, in a few months he had to moderate or postpone several of his proposals, facing the resistance of social actors and the technical unfeasibility of some measures, such as dollarization.
This lag between electoral promises and government actions deepens citizen disaffection. What in other contexts could be understood as pragmatic adaptation, in this case it is perceived as incoherence and deception. The result is a negative democracy, where The retrospective vote becomes a punishment rather than a regulation mechanism.
Equality, citizenship and erosion of the democratic pact
Argentine democracy was born in 1983 With a strong commitment to political equalitysynthesized in the slogan of “Never again” to state violence and exclusion. However, the project Milei erodes this equal dimensionTaria. Adjustment policiesthe reduction of social spending and economic deregulation They unequally impact societyexpanding the gaps between rich and poor.
The liberal ideal of one “Equal Society”that Tocqueville linked to universal suffrage and that Rosanvallon takes up as a core of modern democracy, It fades when The Government celebrates the market freedom above political and social equality. In this context, citizenship is fragmented; While some enjoy expanded freedoms for capital, others see their basic rights restricted.
The legitimacy crisis in current Argentina
Democratic legitimacy, Rosanvallon argues, cannot be based solely on the number. It requires a symbolic and practical dimension that articulate representation, plurality and recognition. In Milei Argentina, this legitimacy is questioned.
The repression of social protests, contempt for political adversaries and alignment with external financial interests erodes public trust. The government fails to consolidate a recognition link with broad sectors of citizenship, but reinforces distrust and resentment. This deficit of representation translates into a crisis of legitimacy that threatens institutional stability.
Towards a narrative democracy as an alternative
Faced with this panorama, Rosanvallon (2017) proposes the need for a “narrative democracy”, which complexes the representation and incorporates the unique experiences of citizens. This model demands to recognize minorities, make visible the specific problems of everyday life (retirees, people with disabilities, etc.) and guarantee a plural deliberation space.
Argentina today faces the Challenge of rebuilding a narrative democracy that exceeds majority fictionto make way to a more inclusive representation. This means revitalizing intermediate institutions, strengthen Congress-and no, replace it by DNU (decrees of necessity and urgency of the Executive Power), expand citizen participation and rebuild confidence in politics.
Conclusion
The Argentine case analysis confirms Rosanvallon’s diagnosis about the decline in the democratic performance of the elections. Under the government of Milei, the classic functions of the election are weakened, the majority fiction It becomes justification for exclusions and citizen equality is eroded by regressive policies.
The Crisis of democratic representation and legitimacy in Argentina It is not only a conjunctural problem, but a symptom that It puts democracy at risk. However, it also opens the possibility of thinking alternatives, such as the construction of a narrative democracy that recognizes social plurality and regains lost trust. In this sense, the challenge is part of a broader discussion about the future of democracy.
*Doctor of Political Science, on YouTube: @DRPABLigani, in X: @Pabitigani
Source: Ambito
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