Argentine democracy is going through a critical moment. As analyzed in the previous articles, the government of Javier Milei combines economic dogmatism, financial subordination, discursive radicalization and political repression. These elements, far from strengthening institutionality, erodes the bases of the democratic pact built since 1983. The question that arises is inevitable: How can a democratic system get out of a maze that threatens with its own self -destruction?
The National Constitution offers an institutional horizon to face these crises. Unlike authoritarian solutions, which seek to impose exits by force, the constitutional order provides mechanisms to resolve conflicts of legitimacy and governance without abandoning the democratic path. The challenge, however, lies in activating these mechanisms without deepening polarization or putting social stability at risk.
Democratic legitimacy as a process
Pierre Rosanvallon (2017) emphasizes that democratic legitimacy is not exhausted in electoral authorization. Democracy is a continuous process that requires legitimacy of exercise, citizen recognition and ability to represent. When these elements fail, the legitimacy of origin granted at the polls is eroded.
In the case of Milei, the legitimacy of origin was overwhelming: 55 % in the 2023 ballot. However, the legitimacy of exercise began to deteriorate quickly in the face of the social consequences of the adjustment, the repression of the protest and the absence of institutional consensus. In this context, the problem is not to ignore the electoral result, but to recognize that The democratic contract requires more than a voting act; You need to sustain yourself in time through inclusive, egalitarian and deliberative practices.
Constitutional output mechanisms
The Argentine Constitution contemplates different mechanisms to face governance crisis:
- Political trial: Regulated in articles 53 to 60, it allows to dismiss the president in case of poor performance, crime in the exercise of his common functions or crimes. This mechanism preserves institutionality by channeling the crisis through Congress.
- Presidential resignation: Always possible option in a democratic system, although it depends on the president’s will and usually produces destabilization effects in the short term.
- Early elections: Although the Constitution does not explicitly foresee them, they can be opened through political agreements and partial reforms, as has happened in other parliamentary democracies.
- Constitutional succession: In the case of acefalía, the Acefalía Law establishes the replacement order, guaranteeing institutional continuity.
These mechanisms are not mere formalisms. They constitute guarantees designed so that democracy can resolve its crises without resorting to violence or the breakdown of the constitutional order.
Historical precedents in Argentina
Argentine history offers examples of institutional exits in the face of political and economic crises. In 1989, Raúl Alfonsín’s early resignation and the assumption of Carlos Menem, although chaotic, avoided a military break. In 2001the presidential succession that led Eduardo Duhalde to power after the resignation of Fernando de la Rúa It allowed to channel the deepest crisis of the post -dictatorship.
These precedents show that Argentine democracy, although fragile, has found institutional mechanisms to survive instability. However, they also teach that these transitions imply high social costs and that their success depends on the ability of political elites to achieve minimum consensus.
Risks of the authoritarian output
Faced with the current crisis, some sectors promote authoritarian or de facto outputs; From undercover military interventions to technocratic governments endorsed by international organizations. These alternatives, however, are incompatible with Argentine democratic history and the social commitment of “never again”.
As Grimson (2023) warns, the contemporary extreme right seeks to legitimize authoritarian solutions under the rhetoric of order and efficiency. The risk is that, in a context of social discomfort and political delegitimation, citizens resignly accepts an erosion of their rights. The defense of democracy requires rejecting these options and betting on the exits provided in the Constitution.
The role of civil society
The viability of an institutional output does not depend solely on political elites. Argentine civil society, historically active and mobilized, fulfills a central role. Social movements, unions, universities and human rights organizations can exert pressure to channel the crisis within democratic frameworks.
Mobilization is not just resistance; It is also a way to remind elites that citizens are not willing to tolerate institutional breaks. As Rosanvallon (2017) points out, narrative democracy requires incorporating the voice of citizens in the definition of political exits.
The democratic horizon
Thinking about an institutional exit does not imply celebrating the failure of an elected government, but defending the continuity of democracy. The objective is not to overthrow a president, but to ensure that the country is not caught in a labyrinth without exit that irreversibly erosion its institutions.
The democratic horizon is three fundamental tasks:
- Restore trust: rebuild legitimacy links between representatives and represented.
- Expand plurality: guarantee that politics represents social diversity and not an exclusive project.
- Strengthen the Constitution: Use the planned mechanisms to resolve crisis without resorting to violence.
Conclusion
Javier Milei’s government faces a paradox; It aims to govern with dogmatism, external subordination and coercion in a country that requires independence, consensus and plurality. The result is a sociotechnical labyrinth in which repression and financial dependence deepens the crisis instead of resolving it.
Doctor of Political Science, on YouTube: @DRPABLigani, in X: @Pabitigani
Source: Ambito
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