The exjuez Ricardo Manuel Rojas aimed to be the new Treasury of the Nation. President Javier Milei and his main advisor Santiago Caputo were closing the name of the magistrate after maintaining a meeting with him and Santiago Castro Videla, finalist applicants at Casa Rosada, this Monday. Who ends up located, the sure thing is that there will also be new subproctors: those under the orders of Rodolfo Barra have the minutes counted in the management, and their replacements are already analyzed, they trusted Scope from high official sources. Finally, they decided to take another 24 hours to define a key position. Castro Videla added points at the last moment by his administrative profile, and linked to the Universidad Austral.
The current subproours Andrés de la Cruz and Marcos Serrano have a spare destination. It will be the next chapter of a saga that does not obey an intern within the government as it was erroneously read, but to an increase in the sensation of paranoia that surrounds the “iron triangle” with respect to officials that – in different strategic distributions – would not follow the central guidelines that Milei pursues. Ministry of Justice, AFIP, IIF, are some recent examples. Obviously, the reasons that generally originate the inquina are disguised.
It was not his stay in Uruguay, much less the signing of an opinion by a subproverter regarding a demand by a public employee that motivated the bar ejectionlast Friday. Carlos Menem’s former polyphunctional minister was perhaps the jurist of greatest renown that the government had incorporated at the beginning of his management and guaranteed an unbeatable relationship With the strategic federal administrative jurisdiction, the “jurisdiction of governance”. Proof of this was the survival of Decree 70/23 in which Barra applied good trades to remain in a technical limbo until the sanction of the Base Law. His “arrival” to the Supreme Court- as administratively respected- was also an asset.
Rojas does not have the same experience as his predecessor, but in the government they trusted to surround him with people who have the same ties in the jurisdiction that gathered behind the cameraman Sergio Fernández. Those names are still a mystery. Castro Videla is almost the opposite: he has a CV linked to administrative law and is younger, but he never integrated the Judiciary or served as a career in the prosecution. In the judicial world, the conclusion was the same: the Casa Rosada got rid of an emblem and its replacements do not have a similar trajectory in the world on which they must operate. In one of the cases, it is directly null.
While during Monday afternoon the officialization of Rojas was imminent, after weighing the contender’s profile, From the offices of the Casa Rosada they decided to wait. The main movement of the acceptance of Barra’s resignation was already concretized. He until Friday Treasury Procurator preferred to avoid the scandal of his departure with a brief letter with elegant wishes of good omens for the future of management. Rojas was a lawyer of a court that does not exist more, between 1983 and 1986 and then was a criminal and correctional judge of an OCT. It has a profile that seduces libertarians: It is PHD in Economic History of the Eseade and Professor in various universities of pure liberal profile. Castro Videla added points for professional expertise, partner of Alberto Bianchia strong name in Argentine law and respected on the fourth floor of the court of court. “Difficult to pigeonhole and at all a Taliban”they maintain those who oppose their contender to highlight amplitude of contacts, despite integrating a legal aristocracy among lawyers.
In the government they admit that the definition is between those two names and that Javier Milei has to throw the currency into the air.
Despite the wing of minor issues that served as an excuse to remove bar, The real reason that the government put in the sight was the tender for the hydrovy, in a file whose fair was enabled to reject an action that sought to stop itat the request of the firm Deme. It was decided by the contentious judge of Enrique Lavié Pico Fair, in the minute before having to deliver his turn to his pair Walter Lara Correa. The looks about the result of the precautionary measure requested by Dredging International NV Argentine branch against the Undersecretariat of Ports and Navigable Ways dominated the attention of the entrepreneurial world. It was not granted.
The one behind the scene of all this is nothing more than a fierce internal among the descendants of the Belgian giant Jan de Nul who competes for preserving dredging services under the new scheme And Deme, the plaintiff, who has one of Nul’s Jan as Discolo, going out to compete with the flagship company of her family. They accused the state of a tender whose requirements could only be completed by the current borrower, which would ensure their permanence.
But nor is nothing linear, and There are “mamushkas” of interestthat same file served as an excuse to point to the management of the Treasury Procurement As a collaborative with the Cassagne study, now identified as enemy No. 1 of the Government, which has been made known by informal routes. The buffet commanded by Ezequiel Cassagne, son of the founder, had hit the jump from the vicinity of massism at the dawn of libertarian management and applied as an efficient articulator for the tangle of disregulations and privatizations with which the executive dreams, “a Dromi. ” However, the relationship broke over the course of recent months and the virulence of the attack against everything that has a link with that study began to unleash a witch hunt.
The untimely output of bar (and with little edifying explicit reasons) sought to emulate the Ignacio Yacobucci At the head of the FIU (first trips, little attachment to management, unfulfilled objectives), a week before and its replacement for Paul Starc. Two edges to analyze: a high source of the government He had dismissed the negative repercussions with epicenter in the Federal House of Cassation, where his father, Guillermo Yacobucci who had special appreciation for the position his son had reached. “It will be a problem for those who have pending criminal matters,” was the answer to Scope From official offices, where they minimized consequences for movement.
The bar case is different for its ancestry and respect in the contentious. It is a developing story if one takes into account that there were also entertonos in the background that defined the ejection. In the case of Yacobucci, the Mira was set on one of Mariano Cúneo Libarona’s main advisors, the Minister of Justice. Nicolás Ramírez He has the magnifying glass for having allegedly incited “efforts” regarding resonant cases where the FIU had signed up for important politicians and so in the government they called “arbitrariness” in some complaints. This arbitrariness would have been defined based on success or not of the efforts. The role of Ramírez- now- considers it disconnected from an explicit knowledge of their formal boss, Cúneo Libarona, although they recognize that it is joined by a special relationship with the family study that does not stop success, in the hands of the minister’s brothers.
Source: Ambito
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