Merz notes: This is how the CDU leader could gamble away the chancellorship

Friedrich Merz sat on Sandra Maischberger’s show on Wednesday evening. This was a suitable format for him to show the Germans that he is not the Lord Voldemort of neoliberalism that the SPD is trying to portray him as. Unfortunately, the Union’s candidate for chancellor once again seemed a little too like he wanted to please everyone. As if this Friedrich Merz was not the head of the Union, but of the UN.

This was exemplified by his outrage at Christian Lindner, who had recently spoken out in favor of taking “more mileage” in Germany, i.e. thinking about politics in this country in about as disruptive a manner as the Argentine president does to a disturbing extent. Merz told Maischberger that he was “horrified” when he heard that, which at first sounded likeable, but could just as easily have come from the mouths of leading Social Democrats. This cannot be the right path for the CDU.

Merz became chairman of his party and its candidate for chancellor because he stood for change and seemed like the ideal solution to bring the Union back its edginess. He now avoids controversial positions in pretty much every sensitive area.

Unlike before, Merz no longer dares to repeat the demand to raise the retirement age. He has been away from major tax reform for a long time. As Chancellor, he might reform the debt brake and probably also refrain from delivering the Taurus to Ukraine. Even the Greens, who he declared to be his “main opponent” last year, are suddenly somehow not so bad anymore.

Merz, who was supposed to make Angela Merkel forget her stubbornness, suddenly seems as if he is emulating her.

To avoid giving the wrong impression: Javier Milei is a problematic president. And anyone who wants to become chancellor must not only have their own fan base in mind, but also the middle of society. But Merz’s appeal inside and outside his party is based on his image as a change manager. It’s not enough to just talk about changing course without actually supporting it in terms of content. Anyone who runs as a reformer should be able to maintain positions, even if they hurt others.

In Milei’s case, this means that you can criticize him sharply and still consider his approach to be debatable and to radically question a few political principles. This doesn’t happen enough in Germany.

If Merz, out of fear of causing offense in the last few meters before the Chancellor’s office, is now giving up positions to which he owes his comeback, it is not just evidence of political cowardice. It is also tactically risky. More and more people are on the verge of leaving the democratic camp towards the far right. Merz is a key figure in keeping these voters in the middle. But the more they get the impression that he is actually a politician like any other, the more disappointed they might turn away.

There are still two and a half months until the election. Merz still has the chance to ensure differentiation and to prove that he is able to fulfill the content of the “change of course” that he continually promises. His party is currently working on the election program.

But political times are turbulent. If Merz were to try not to make any mistakes in order to somehow reach the finish line, it could go wrong. Markus Söder once shouted to Armin Laschet that no one would move into the Chancellery in a “sleeping car”. Friedrich Merz should remember this. Because Söder was right.