SPD membership decision: The sound of the SPD

So, that would also be clarified: the SPD is not a digital party, its desire for black and red is mau, but sufficient and the sounding of the party is progressing unabated. All of this can be seen from the result of the SPD membership. And from the conclusions that the party leadership draws immediately afterwards.

84.6 percent of the SPD base for the coalition agreement with the CDU and CSU have spoken out, black and red gave their blessing. However, only 56 percent of all voters have participated around 350,000 party members. The fact that the coordination took place in the middle of the Easter holidays and was carried out online for the first time may apologize for a difficult holiday and less internet staff. However, the vote cannot hide the fact that the enthusiasm of the SPD members for black and red is underdeveloped.

When the last coalition with the Union was in vote, it was in 2018 that almost 80 percent of the members participated-at the time, a Juso boss named Kevin Kühnert had mobilized the SPD with its no-groco campaign. This time, the party leadership led no less than a black and blue bustle specter, worst predicted a state crisis-and nevertheless attracted significantly fewer comrades to the online urn.

So that’s not a strong mandate. Nevertheless, Lars Klingbeil asked for the party committees shortly after the internal announcement of the GON-SO result to put up with the government team of the Social Democrats. After the official reading, also on the recommendation of Saskia Esken, his co-party leader, and general secretary Matthias Miersch. In close exchange, of course. Oh, and in the new cabinet, Klingbeil also wants to be finance minister and Vice Chancellor.

Already after the historical defeat in the Bundestag election, which he has as party leader and central player, Klingbeil quickly grabbed the parliamentary group. Ripped off, but effective. As an unquestionable boss comrade, he brought out more for the Social Democrats in the negotiations with the Union than the mew would justify. Last but not least, some key departments in the future coalition, including, as is now evident, also one for yourself.

Sure, Klingbeil takes responsibility for the SPD, underlines his sense of duty. He does not duck away and wants to raise the wrapped people who promised a “generation change” for the election in 2029. Only one thing shows Klingbeil with his previous personnel decisions (which mostly promoted him upwards): humility to the latest results. Who should also contradict him?

The “Klingbeilization” of the SPD, once a concept of struggle of its political opponents for rough campaign maneuvers, is now cipher for his awareness of power – and how to make it come into play at the right moment. This is what makes a strong leadership figure.

However, her tasks also include making important decisions, especially the unpleasant. The question of the SPD chancellor candidacy had also let Klingbeil run, now he mainly follows the increasingly malicious debate about his co-party leader Saskia Esken. Klingbeils also irritates advocates. Esken’s chances of moving into the cabinet have increased with its new maneuver. It would be difficult to convey this way, but to go confidently.

As a declared SPD team captain, who is supposed to name the government team, Klingbeil will now have to prove which vision he has for the SPD. Personnel, but also programmatic. And that he not only gives himself a kind of chancellor election association for 2029. That will require sensitivity.