Freedom Moves Forward (LLA) was born with original vices. Rather than being a party, it was conceived as a person. Only one: Javier Mileiwho paved his way to the Presidency based on his charismatic leadership, his connection with unresolved demands and, of course, a social weariness with everything that came before. But this exclusive, at times overwhelming, personalism has its flip side: the institutionality and the division of powers are based on other elective offices, and there LLA fell through.
Already in December, doubts about the libertarian troops that entered Congress soon began to set in. There were even gaps before they took office. It was a collection of characters, at best picturesque, who entered the lists of the new force without experience, with few credentials and little cohesion among themselves. Necessity was made into a virtue. It was sold as a sample of anti-caste purity, but it ended up being a headache.
Milei let it happen, he was far from micro politics, focused on other global matters and at the local level only with his eyes set on his economic objectives. But the legislative defeatsinternal fights, the departure of legislators from already squalid blocs forced him to intervene.
Until now, politics was in the hands of his sister. Karina and of Martin Menemsilenced these days by the stampede generated by the crisis of the departure of Lourdes Arrietawhich was followed by a complaint about multimillion-dollar purchases of medicines for the National Agency for Disability (ANDIS) without bidding. It also plays a role in the negotiations Jose RolandiDeputy Chief of the Executive Cabinet, who came to the Government with the help of Nicholas Posse. After being left on the ledge with the ejection of the latter, Rolandi was embraced by Santiago Caputoto operate from its orbit. All these leaderships were left in question.
Single thought
The departures of Arrieta and the senator Francisco Paoltronia dart that also hit Victoria Villarruelleft a quagmire, in which Milei must have gotten dirty. A week ago, with a television interview from a friendly platform, one of those that make him feel so comfortable that at times the statements become thoughts out loud.
On the short circuit with the vice president due to her rejection of the nomination of Judge Ariel Lijo to join the Supreme Court, she tried a defense that carries dangers that went unnoticed: “That is not serious because she does not vote, therefore she is giving a personal opinion that has no relevant impact on the selection of a court judge,” she said. On the other hand, Paoltroni’s position did bother her: “He does have a vote and that is a responsibility. He has no chance of having a seat if he had not been attached to a ballot that I was on,” she added.
Milei needs to find a balance, something that he clearly has a hard time achieving. He is standing on the thin line that divides the order of his troops and authoritarianism. The statement in prime time about the value of the opinion of others is striking. In the case of Villarruel, it is not relevant because “does not vote”. In Paolotroni’s case, he is obliged to think the same as his leader for having been part of his ticket. It is worth clarifying that the senator always raised his hand in tune with the block and with the interests of the Pink House. Milei is uncomfortable accepting divergences: the diatribes from the networks (either from her personal account or from the army of trolls) to those who express opinions that she does not like, or the unusual attacks on journalists who are not condescending are examples at hand.
From now on, loyalty to the political space is a principle that everyone questions when the one who is shielded is the foreign block. The famous phrase of “Congress as a notary’s office” alters principles to always speak of others. Perhaps, the novelty in this barrier to divergences is that they are given in the name of freedom, a contradiction in terms of who claimed to arrive “not to lead sheep, but to awaken lions”. The roars, now, let them be in mute. Even opinions.
In fact, it is true that most of the LLA legislators were complete strangers, and that without the pull of Milei’s figure they would be at home right now. In any case, that is the game. That is how it works for so many other Christians who are in their seats by the democratic fact of having gone unnoticed on ballots scattered in remote dark rooms. The question will be to know what new values Milei will manage to attract to the libertarian adventure in 2025, if those who are tempted to join the lists already know in advance that It is a sin to think differently in random events, which are not even central to the Government’s plan. Perhaps, Your leadership only admits Lilliputiansno one who runs the axis with plausible arguments.
Meanwhile, Milei is taking advantage of the polarization with Cristina Kirchner through trivial fights on social media, deploying an agenda parallel to that of Villarruel, who is marking his own footprints, and waiting for the internal conflict to calm down.
But when one goes out, another one turns on. This week it was the block of Parlasurwith a blunder reminiscent of the vote in the AFA that ended 38 to 38 despite the participation of 75 members. On this occasion, on Wednesday there was an attempt to displace Patricio Villegas, close to Villarruel, as head of the LLA bloc. Two candidates were presented. The virtual vote was between 11 votes… but it ended 6 to 6.
The nullity led to Villegas remaining in office, although weakened. Among the peculiarities: the mysterious vote via WhatsApp of Alfredo Olmedothe dismissed president of Parlasur who has not set foot in the regional parliament since his fall and is now on the verge of losing his seat after three consecutive absences. If the man from Salta is absent again, he will be excluded from Parlasur for breach of regulations.
Governors, pointed out in the small payment
The need to have sharp deputies and senators comes after the three consecutive defeats in Congress two weeks ago. But in the coming days, the President will face new challenges that will come from the chambers. The main one: the educational financing law The decree that gave reserved funds to the SIDE is also expected to be passed in the Senate, but by then the funds will have been executed. It will be a more symbolic than factual stumble. Likewise, the opposition in the House of Representatives will begin a pincer movement to try to reverse the veto on the increase in pensions.
A busy agenda, where LLA needs to stop scaring its own people, grab the hand of the PRO and pray that the opposition does not accumulate political capital to reach two thirds in both chambers. It is a possible task, especially because of a need that began to take shape in the governors. The measurements that the provincial leaders make in their districts have them in a bad state. It is that The problem of recession and empty pockets is affecting local leaders more than Milei.
They confessed it to Ámbito from two provinces, one administered by Peronism and the other by Juntos por el Cambio. The low collective bargaining agreements of provincial and municipal state agents due to lack of funds (chainsaw in ATN, less local collection and fall in co-participation) hits governors and mayors hard. The willingness to give tools, generally in exchange for nothing, is affecting them. turning against the small paymentThe same is true of the perception of ordinary men and women who have lost their jobs or who receive less assistance. No one is quite clear about the jurisdictional powers, and the one targeted is the administrator of the public affairs who is closest.
Will this change the equation in Congress? It is a possibility.
Source: Ambito
