The situation of Judge Ariel Lijo as a candidate for the Supreme Court crosses 48 crucial hours. The proximity of the Deadline set by the Government for approval in the Senate planned for Friday fired an alternative scenarios – all insufflated by the government itself- that add pressure (and confusion) to a scenario that is crossed by the scandal of the crypto $ pound in which the ruling is submerged, from Friday night.
Now, If Lijo will be on the road, the government threatens with several replacement names for a decree that would give them temporary stability for a year. This was what high official sources knew, in a movement that also speculates to get revenue from that confusion and throw trial balloons. None of them impact on a sector of the fourth floor of the Palace of Courts that ufana of having the pulse of the Senate but, says, is run of the result or any of its alternatives.
Approved lijo; Fallen lijo; Candidate reservoir by decree. All these options are considered on the libertarian board as if there were no consequences in the plane of the real for each of them. And as if the pieces were interchangeable. There lies a perception error that, within the framework of the crypto crisis, becomes anecdote.
The names thrown on the table by high official sources are not unknownalthough there is a woman candidate whose name did not make transcend. That barter, but for Manuel García Mansilla He was the one proposed by Kirchnerism to vote, in addition to having an extension of the court in his hand. It would be the other way around, only before the fall of Lijo. The federal judge remains in a dilemma: his refusal to assume by decree exposes him to a rejection of his statement that leaves him in a worse situation than Daniel Rafecas crossed in the management of Alberto Fernández who did not reach that instance. But as you read power it is preferable not to be rejected in the enclosure. Expose it to that situation would not be free and there the government minimizes future risks about an injured lot. Those who have questioned him in his candidacy for the Court could be emboldened to go after his federal court.
The UDESA Academic Ricardo Ramírez Calvo, Carlos Laplacette (Del ¿Dennosado? Cassagne study), Alberto Bianchi –Socio and mentor of the new Treasury attorney Santiago Castro Videla and a respected administrativeist-, and the one who almost becomes a replacement for Rodolfo Barra, the former judge Ricardo Rojas that it would be the least relevant if the official optics is that they are the names for the interchangeable parts of an emergency cut design.
If they gave Santiago Caputo to choose, I would opt for the duo García Mansilla –Bianchiin a formula that they consider close to the purest libertarian ideology. But all this is surrounded by the Peronist warning in the Senate that no one who enters by decree would obtain endorsement. For the numbers, they would have expiration datewhat triggers another vector that is the jurisdictional: How would a Court work whose majorities they are in charge of judges that can be objected for their legitimacy of origin? Would those defeated with a result defined by a judge by decree be formed? All this hypothetical scenario would occur in the week prior to the start of ordinary sessions, which makes March 1 a key day like few.
If the circle near Milei has the foot in the accelerator to get out of the mud in which he remained and redouble his imprint of not going back to demonstrate power, in the judicial world they imagine that All this combo could be marked with a new attorney general too – For decree- and whose protagonist would be the Deputy Minister of Justice Sebastián Amerio. All formed to listen to the Legislative Assembly. This scenario visualizes each defeat as an opportunity to double the bet. Unpredictable result.
Before Javier Milei’s fateful Tweet from Friday afternoon with the affair of the deceptive cryptocurrency, The Casa Rosada Plan was Voting the Lijo Pliego, in the confidence that they had the votes for approval, with the flow contributed by Peronism. Thus complied with the schedule established in the Extraordinary Agenda. Then, Javier Milei would issue a decree by appointing Manuel García Mansilla in the last vacancy and thus complete- in a “Blend” format- the highest court as was devised in May, when both candidates were presented. García Mansilla did not reach the commission office, so treating his specifications on tables on the same day would require two thirds of starting to admit his treatment, and two other thirds for approval.
However, the dynamism of the crisis that bogues the government again questioned that they can reach, at the edge of the extraordinary, the necessary number to carry out the only specifications that could climb to the highest court. The policy agrees in one thing: suspend the step, the rest goes to a secondary role.
“The two or none” that remained firm over the months began to have more variants than a tetris and began a dance of names that added confusion and mark the intention of redoubled the bet of Milei and the iron triangle. In the middle, in official offices they tried to insist that it was the governors who bid for the entrance of Lijo. Strictly speaking, the one who heads that move is the Santiago Gerardo Zamora.
In full sparks of the Cripto Gate, a threat disguised as rumor arrived that the ruling was willing to lower Ariel Lijo’s sheet. It seemed a remote message to Judge María Servini, raffled to intervene in the multiple complaints for fraud for the promotion of $ Libra by Javier Milei. The magistrate was one of those who lent the guarantee and the prosecutor of the Eduardo Taiano case is recognized within the subgroup in Comodoro Py on which Lijo has ancestry. Queer.
Another different message that crossed the waters to the Kirchner camp was that there would be an alternative option not to get with the votes to Friday: Hold the commission opinion, not expose the judge to a negative vote (there are multiple ways to ship the session) and nominate two candidates by alternative decree. In this way, the only one that would follow the constitutional process, without peremptory terms, would be the federal judge- not to disagree- and gain negotiation time with a court completed with substitutes’ substitutes. Near Cristina Kirchner they frown with the idea that they give it to the election of Lijo as compensation to her sector, although they contributed the ninth vote for the opinion. They insist on expansion or nothing and do not know that this unilateral “negotiation” benefits them in something.
The senators, on the other hand, sniff a gap: political crisis and need for a triumph for the ruling are the propitious ingredients for governors to negotiate fresh funds, Half for the chainsaw that pruned them last year and half for this an electoral year. Each vote is worth its weight not in promises, but in turns. This is the scenario 48 hours a crucial day in which there is nothing for sure.
Source: Ambito
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